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However, politics has never been the sole reason for contact between Shan and Burmese. The Burmese language also has close associations with court culture and Buddhism, and so has long been a prestigious language in the region. Taking part in a larger Burmese linguistic and cultural sphere does not necessarily mean that other peoples, like the Shan, who participate in Burmese networks of prestige, agree to current political arrangements.
The Hsam Long word ɟɔm [follow] apparently reflects an earlier Shan pronunciation *ɟɔm, now cɔ́m in modern Shan. Other loans, however, are more similar to modern Shan, suggesting more recent borrowings. For example, Palaung pɛ [be able], is nearly identical to modern Shan pɛ̂ [win, able], which comes from a Tai root, *bɛ́. 1 Shan loans in Palaung (Hsamlong); Milne, L. 1921. An Elementary Palaung Grammar. Oxford: Clarendon Another interesting example is the Palaung word rɔt, meaning ‘arrive’, which in modern Shan is hɔt.
Ready-made narratives from the neighboring Thais were useful in this process. No doubt they saw being part of a larger Tai nation as preferable to being part of a Burman-led Burmese nation. Shan in relation to other languages: Shan as a donorPshan language is widespread in Shan State and neighboring areas, including a sizeable Shan community in Thailand. For political, social, and economic reasons, its use is weak in some formerly Shan-dominated places, such as Taunggyi, the capital of Shan State.
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Structurally, it seems likely that Shan speakers have replicated certain Burmese patterns. For example, to say ‘in the house’, Shan speakers say ti nɐ́j hɤ́n (literally ‘at + in + house’), which is exactly the same (if in a different order) as the Burmese ʔein dɛ̀ hma (literally ‘house + in + at’). The same phrase in Lao (which may be closer than Thai) would simply be naj hêuan. Today, Burmese influence is clearest in borrowings. Burmese terms abound in all domains of the Shan lexicon.
krí [capital] preserves an earlier pronunciation of Burmese pyigyì, one fairly close to that of Rakhaing today. Similarly, Shan has cén. cá for Burmese sìn. zà (written <CAÑ. CĀḤ>), which suggests that the loan came into Shan around the eighteenth century, when Burmese /c/ had not yet shifted to /s/ and when /añ/ had not fronted to /in/, but was /en/, as is found in British sources of the time. 2 Renoo Wichasilp. 2007. Pheun Meuang Saenwi Chabab Haw Kham Meuang Yai [Hsenwi Chronicles, Chiangmai: Silkworm]‘Little brother’ Thai and its influence on ‘older brother’ ShanIn Thai, the name for Shan is Tai Yai [Big Tai], in contrast to one of the historical names for the Thai, Tai Noi [Little Tai], possibly in reference to historical relations and settlement patterns.
We know that the sound /r/ has changed to /h/ in languages like Shan and Lao (although the sound is preserved in Thai), and so this loan must date from before that sound shift happened. Although lexical influence from Shan is strong in Palaung, we cannot detect much structural borrowing, probably because of the typological closeness of the two languages. One possibility is the use of the third person plural pronoun (‘they’) to make nouns plural. Palaung pjɐːr-ge [bees], literally ‘bee + they’, is an obvious calque of Shan pʰɯŋ kʰɐ̌w, meaning the same thing. Shan vocabulary also shows up in languages outside of present-day Shan-speaking areas, suggesting the power of the language to reach beyond where its speakers are, or perhaps a wider sphere of influence in the past.
As in Palaung, Shan loans into Jinghpaw form layers of borrowing, in some cases combining elements of the two. In the word for ‘coconut’, mă-un si, the mă part represents the Shan generic term màk [fruit] and the Shan pronunciation of an earlier Burmese loan ʔòun [coconut], here combined with Jinghpaw si [fruit]. Jinghpaw and Shan have a different ‘constituent order’, referring to the ordering of words in a sentence. Shan, like Thai and English, has subject-verb-object order, while Jinghpaw, like Burmese (and Turkish and Japanese), has subject-object-verb order. This difference has implications for how compounds are formed.
This narrative lacks historical and linguistic evidence to support it, and in fact there is much evidence contradicting it. Recent scholarship has revised the dates of the Nanzhao kingdom and has shown that the main body of people spoke a Tibeto-Burman language. Nevertheless, this narrative remains the standard, official view of Thai history in Thailand, and has proven successful in building national pride both among the Thais and among speakers of related languages. Thailand’s Tai-speaking neighbors have a complex relationship with Thailand, but nevertheless see Thai ideas as model.
The linguistic influence of Burmese can be seen on all levels of Shan vocabulary, and can incidentally be found far afield, even in places that today are not, or no longer, connected to the Burmese sphere, such as Meuang Sing in Laos. When comparing Shan to other closely related languages such as Thai Kheun (the language of Keng Tung, closely related to Lanna Thai), some of the sound differences are striking. While all those languages have an ‘imploded’ /ɗ/ and /ɓ/ sound (as McCormick also discusses in this Focus), and the ‘fricative’ /f/, Shan lacks these sounds, just as Burmese does. Shan does have the sound /sʰ/, an ‘aspirated fricative’, which is quite rare throughout the world, but which is also found in Burmese.
Tai identity in Myanmar and beyond<p>The Shan of northern Myanmar speak a language of the Tai-Kadai family found from southern China, across Mainland Southeast Asia, through northern Myanmar and into Northeast India. Names connected with the Shan give us some insight into the historical range and connections between speakers of Shan and its relatives. ‘Shan’ itself is a Burmese name related to the old name for Thailand, ‘Siam’, and the second syllable in the name Assam of Northeast India and the ‘Ahom’, a Tai-speaking people after whom Assam is ultimately named. The Shans call themselves ‘Tai’, as do speakers of many related languages. </p> As a linguistic and historical term, ‘Tai’ refers to a branch of the Tai-Kadai family, while ‘Thai’ refers specifically to the language of Thailand.
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As is the case for many Burmese minorities, many Shan in Burma are therefore more fluently literate in Burmese than Shan. Shan is a medium of instruction in non-formal education, for example in monastic schools. Shan-language textbooks and readers are often translations of Burmese government textbooks. As sometimes happens in these cases, the Shan has been translated following the Burmese a bit too closely. Not only can the Shan be awkward, but such texts foster language which converges ever closer to Burmese models.
As was the case with Shan loanwords in Palaung, Burmese loanwords tell us a lot about how long Shan and Burmese speakers have been in contact, and approximately when the word was adopted. In many respects Shan and Burmese have rather different sound systems, but it is obvious that Shan phonology has been able to preserve sounds from earlier stages of Burmese. The Shan word pré.
Some Shan loanwords have been rearranged to follow Jinghpaw order: the Shan expression for ‘food market’, kàt kʰɐw (literally ‘market + food’) has been switched to form Jinghpaw khau kat. Other words are kept just as in Shan, although the sounds are adopted to Jinghpaw. The Shan word for ‘oil’, nɐ̂m mɐ́n (literally ‘liquid + fat’), is nam man in Jinghpaw. In another twist, some Burmese words have entered Jinghpaw through Shan. Many of these words uphold older Burmese pronunciations, still preserved in Burmese spelling. One example is Jinghpaw panglai [sea], ultimately from an early pronunciation of Burmese pinlɛ, written /PAṄLAI/ (in his Focus article McCormick discusses the role of Written Burmese in reconstructing the history of sound changes in Burmese).
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At that time, Siamese intellectuals created a narrative of the origins of the Thai people in response to expanding European colonialism in Southeast Asia. They based this account mainly on western ideas and sources, including the travelogues of European missionaries and traders. Some traced the history of the Thai and Tai peoples back to Central Asia, from where the Tai migrated into Sichuan and Yunnan, where they established the Nanzhao (Nan Chao) kingdom in the eighth and ninth centuries AD. When Mongol troops invaded in the twelfth century, the Tai were pushed further into the Southeast Asian mainland, where they split and became the Shan, the Lao, and Thais, some with their own kingdoms.
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